What Tiananmen means to Hong Kong

4 June 1989. In Chinese history, it was just another normal day. However, to the rest of the world and to those who were directly affected by the tragedy, we know it as the Tiananmen Square Massacre. Following months of protest for political and social reforms against the Communist regime, the central government responded with force. Troops and tanks were sent into areas occupied by protesters and fired upon them, resulting in hundreds to thousands of deaths. 30 years on, Hong Kong continues to be one of the few places that holds an annual vigil to commemorate the incident. Yet, Hong Kong itself is also currently under threat. The “one country, two systems” framework is slowly faltering, with the Chinese government exercising increasing control over the financial hub. While 2047 (expiration date of the framework) may seem to be distant from now, with current events happening, perhaps it is apt to take a look at Hong Kong’s position in China.

The handover

After 156 years under British colonial rule, Hong Kong was handed back to the Chinese government on July 1, 1997. Under the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration, the Chinese government had promised that it will not implement socialist policies in Hong Kong and that the latter will continue its capitalist system and its way of life will not be affected for the next 50 years. Hence, the “one country, two systems” framework was born.

However, in recent years, this framework has increasingly been ignored and evidently, the Chinese government is extending its control over Hong Kong sooner than it should.

The Umbrella Movement

September 2014. Thousands of Hong Kongers had gathered in Central. This was the Umbrella Movement. The pan-democracy camp in Hong Kong had threatened to occupy Central if the government’s proposal did not allow for actual universal suffrage in Hong Kong. Clearly, the proposal did not meet their expectations.

The 2014 NPCSC Decision on Hong Kong had decided that the nominees for the 2017 Chief Executive Election will be chosen by a nominating committee and the nominees had to “love the country and love Hong Kong”. This was the breaking point for the pan-democracy camp as it clearly interferes with the election process in Hong Kong, creating an unfair election where voices cannot be equally represented. The phrase “love the country” and the process of nomination by a committee show a desire of the Central Government in China to ensure that the Chief Executive of Hong Kong will be a patriot, that is to be a pro-Beijing politician. This sidelined the pan-democracy camp as it would have meant that their candidates would not stand a chance in running for Chief Executive, endangering the legitimacy of the election and the future of democracy in Hong Kong.

This also boils down to China’s growing influence in Hong Kong’s politics. Despite its agreement that it will respect the way of life in Hong Kong for 50 years, this does not seem to be the case anymore.

Cantonese vs Mandarin

Hong Kong speaks Cantonese while Mainland China speaks Mandarin. This irks the Chinese government because it creates a gap between Hong Kong and Mainland China and the government wants to change that. Increasingly. Mandarin is being “imported” into Hong Kong and promoted as the language that Hong Kongers need to know, to trace their roots back to China. Hence, for many years, schools have been the target of the Education Bureau. More primary schools are using Mandarin as the medium of instruction and even up till the university level, the use of Cantonese can sometimes be discouraged with the use of Mandarin more widely supported by teaching staff.

Yes, while the proficiency in Mandarin has increased dramatically since the handover (about 48% in 2016 from about 25% in 1996), the same cannot be said for the pride of Hong Kongers towards speaking Mandarin. In recent years, there is a increase in rejection towards speaking or using Mandarin, especially among the younger generation as it is a symbol of Mainland China’s growing influence over the city. A study by the University of Hong Kong found that less than a third of the population were proud of being Chinese Nationals, showing how much inertia there is among Hong Kongers in being referred to as part of China or acknowledging their identity as Chinese Nationals.

Context

However, even with the ground-up rejection of China’s influence, perhaps one cannot be too optimistic about any possibility of success in either the pan-democracy camp or those protecting the use Cantonese and its place in Hong Kong.

1. Xinjiang & Tibet

China’s control over Xinjiang and Tibet continues to be tight. The continued use of “re-education camps” or more correctly - internment camps - in Xinjiang to lock up Uyghur Muslims and its interference with their way of life as Muslims is an example of how far the Central government is willing to go to promote a sense of homogeneity in the country.

The government’s interference with the selection of the Panchen Lama (who in turn will choose the next Dalai Lama) and its disregard for the Tibetan's outcry against its occupation of the land is another good example of how the government can always “get what it wants” even in face of strong public opposition.

For the Chinese government to continue its acts of atrocity in its own land despite international condemnation is a clear show of how strong it has become over the years. Despite its wrongdoings, no nation has stepped forward and taken drastic measures to curb China’s acts because clearly, it will not benefit them and China is no longer the backward nation it once was. Hence, it is not wrong to worry about what China can or will do to the opposition in Hong Kong in coming years.

2. Taiwan

In the recent 2019 Shangri-La Dialogue held in Singapore, Chinese Defence Minister Wei Fenghe had stated that China will “fight to the end” if anyone tries to separate Taiwan and China. 70 years after the defeat of the Nationalists in Mainland China, the Chinese government continues to maintain that Taiwan is part of China and in recent years, it has become an increasingly worrying threat with China’s growing dominance in the international stage especially with the rise of Xi Ji Ping.

Conclusion

This year’s Tiananmen Square Massacre vigil in Hong Kong continues to be a reminder of China’s might and its strong will towards exerting influence and control over what it deems is part of her. The people at Tiananmen demanded freedom, so are people in Xinjiang and Tibet and worrying enough, this fight has spilt over into Hong Kong, once a city known for its freedom and democratic principles. While 2047 approaches year by year, one has to acknowledge that the year is merely a number in the Chinese government’s eyes and perhaps its significance is not as big as we think it is because clearly, Hong Kong’s freedom is already under threat. The fight for freedom and democracy continues in Hong Kong and one can only hope that the people of Hong Kong will not have to face what those at Tiananmen, Xinjiang and Tibet had faced/are facing.

(Cover photo by Vincent Chan)

By Eugene Goh